News

September 19, 2004

Teamwork pays off for the provinces

 

by Graham Fraser

OTTAWA—Last week's health meeting confirmed the wisdom of several maxims dear to teachers and coaches.

 

Do your homework. Develop a long-term strategy. Hard work produces lucky breaks. And those who stick together as a team will prevail.

 

Jean Charest's lucky break happened overnight Tuesday at 24 Sussex when he persuaded Paul Martin to intervene personally so that a side deal could be negotiated with Quebec, acknowledging what was called "asymmetrical federalism that respects Quebec's jurisdiction" in health care.

 

This was code for "Quebec is different."

 

Getting there was 14 years in the making. Charest has been working for some sort of particular arrangement for Quebec within Canada since 1990, when, as a federal MP, he chaired a committee that tried to save the Meech Lake Accord — the doomed constitutional amendment that would have recognized Quebec as a distinct society.

 

Charest has had the reputation of idling between crises. But, in the months leading to Quebec's election in April 2003, he focused on health care, immersing himself in every detail. By the time the election was called, he could rhyme off the number of doctors available in an emergency ward in any Quebec hospital.

 

He won on his vow to make health care the priority. But he also took office with a commitment few thought he could achieve: to create a Council of the Federation. A year ago, the premiers agreed to go along with Charest's pet project; last week, they realized how valuable it was. As a council, they arrived in Ottawa better organized and better prepared than Martin, who called the health-care summit.

 

On the eve of tomorrow's three provincial by-elections, Charest won a significant victory. The stakes were high; Quebec premiers carry the weight of history when they embark on federal-provincial negotiations.

 

This is particularly true in Ottawa's old Union Station building. That was where Pierre Trudeau announced the deal to amend and patriate the Constitution in 1981, without Quebec, which sent René Lévesque back to Quebec city in tears. It was where Robert Bourassa agreed to a final, unsuccessful attempt to save the Meech Lake Accord in June 1990.

 

Charest understood the symbolism, and used it effectively.

 

"I know that there have been a lot of Quebec hopes that have been left high and dry in this room," he said, after signing the deal.

 

Charest's years of hard work had paid off; with his first big success in 17 grim months as premier, he was widely praised in Quebec.

 

But there are other lessons from the meeting.

 

Martin's team had a series of tactics and little sign of a strategy. Each day, it tried harder to control the next day's headlines than the conference itself. Flaws in this approach soon emerged.

 

To begin with, the premiers know more about the nitty-gritty of health-care delivery than the Prime Minister or the federal health minister. This is not surprising; they run the system on their turf.

 

As Charest pointed out, the federal role in delivering health care is limited to research, prisons, the armed forces, veterans and aboriginal reserves. There is no sign that Ottawa's patients are better cared for than patients in provincial hospitals.

 

The lack of strategy went hand in hand with a lack of preparation. There was no federal plan for health reform, simply a spreadsheet of numbers that kept changing as the hours rolled by.

 

The premiers had several strategic advantages: They knew Martin was in a position of weakness as a minority prime minister; they had forged a tight working relationship with each other through the Council of the Federation; none of them was facing an election; and they knew Martin needed a deal. As Manitoba's Gary Doer put it, "He needed a deal and we needed the money."

 

In contrast, Ottawa started bargaining with no allies, then proceeded to insult its principal critic, Alberta's Ralph Klein, by calling a media briefing during Klein's formal remarks.

 

Then, a messy marathon at 24 Sussex. It was a Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity brother approach: use a mixture of arrogance and charm, pull an all-nighter and wing it. It was frat boy heaven: exhausting, time-consuming, unstructured, disorganized, lots of pizza — all trademarks of the Martin style of governing.

 

At the end, the Martin team could claim, once again, that improvisation works. It got the headlines and a deal. Quebec was happy. This sets the pattern for addressing Martin's other provincialist election commitments: child care and the cities agenda.

 

Through it all, Opposition members took notes, watching what happened when the provinces hung tough. It was a hint of what governing may be like during Martin's minority Parliament.

 

 


 

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